"Ukweli" na ukweli, mapacha wa wazazi tofauti.

Tanzania, Dar es salaam.

Daima binadamu tumekua tukijimilikisha ukweli. Kwa maslahi binafsi ama matabaka tuliyomo.

Kwenye ulimwengu wa kidigitali, ambapo dole gumba ni alama ya kiushawishi wa nini ni "kweli", mapambano ya kumiliki "ukweli" yamepamba moto.

Teknolojia ya intaneti imekuja na ahadi ya kutoa "ukweli" mikononi mwa wachache kwa kusogeza macho na masikio ya umma kwa kila aliye tayari kusimulia. Hivyo, nguvu za wamiliki wa "ukweli" zimefifishwa.

Hata hivyo, uhuru huu hauji bila changamoto; kadri sauti zinavyoongezeka, ndivyo inavyokuwa vigumu kutofautisha ukweli na "ukweli"..

Historia ya "ukweli" kama simulizi la madaraka

Historia imejaa matukio ambapo “ukweli” ulikuwa kile tu ambacho mamlaka inakitamka. Maandiko tofauti-tofauti yanatoa simulizi za watu; matabaka fulani, kuwa “waliopendwa,” “walioteuliwa,” au “waliobarikiwa” zaidi.

Wafalme walidai haki ya kifalme, kiutawala wamepewa na Mungu. Watawala wa kikoloni walihadithia;wanahdithia historia inayodogosha madhila ya uvamizi. Madikteta hutengeneza simulizi zinazowatukuza wao na kufuta uwapo wa wapinzani.

Katika mazingira kama haya, "ukweli" ni simulizi la yeyote anayehadithia. Msimulizi ndiye anaeamua nini umma unaamini. Hivyo basi, "ukweli" ni bidhaa: unanunuliwa, unauzwa, au kunyang’anywa.

Falsafa kuhusu umiliki wa "ukweli"

Falsafa kutoka enzi za Socrates hadi Hannah Arendt zimetoa hoja kuwa ukweli haupaswi kumilikiwa na mtu yeyote; unapaswa tu kuwepo.

Hakuna taasisi, serikali, au jukwaa la "ukweli" bila ridhaa yako. Kila mmoja wetu ni mdau, na hatimiliki ya umiliki wa "ukweli" hutolewa na wewe unaehadithiwa, haswa unaposhindwa kuhoji dhana ulizonazo, kuhoji "ukweli" uliozoea. Unapoamua kujidhulumu kwa kuruhusu mwingine afikiri kwa niaba yako. 

Pengine suluhisho ni kukubali kubaki Edeni kwa kukumbatia ujinga kwani upo usalama katika ujinga? Na hakuna uerevu katika "ukweli" wa nyoka; hakuna usalama katika kujua jema na baya?

Tunawezaje kujilinda dhidi ya "ukweli"?

Pengine tunaweza kujilinda dhidi ya "ukweli" kwa:

• Kutambua kile tunachotaka kusikia, 

• Kutompatia mtu au taasisi mamlaka ya "ukweli",

• Kusikiliza “kelele, upuuzi, usumbufu” za "uliowazidi maarifa, busara, hekima na hadhi", tofauti na "ukweli"  kama unavyoujua; kama unvyokupa ukubwa.

Pengine ukweli si maneno na matendo tu, bali huamuliwa na muktadha; na pale muktadha unapobadilika, unazaliwa "ukweli" mpya.

Pengine ukweli, hauna mwenye hati miliki.

Pengine kodi tunayopaswa kulipia kuishi katika ukweli ni udadisi na unyenyekevu wa kukubali kuwa wajinga ndo waliwao na wewe uko katika menu.

Between written law and living custom: The dance of Polepole’s paradox

Dar es salaam, Tanzania

In January 2025, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) National Congress endorsed President Samia Suluhu Hassan as its sole presidential nominee without the usual procedural filters of the Central Committee or National Electoral Commission. Critics like Ambassador Humphrey Polepole swiftly challenged the legitimacy of the nomination, arguing it strayed from CCM’s procedural norms. Yet, for those grounded in the ideological traditions of CCM, this was not a deviation from order but a vivid demonstration of “desturi” , the lived constitutionalism of the party.

The National Congress: The People's Authority

According to Article 20(1) of the CCM Constitution (CCM Constitution, 2021), the National Congress is the party’s “supreme decision making organ.” The January 2025 nomination was not ad hoc it was a decision by the highest constitutional authority within CCM, representing a nationwide consensus of elected party delegates. Thus, what may appear informal was, in truth, the formal expression of CCM’s highest will.

Desturi as Doctrine, Not Decoration

Former CCM Chief Ideology and Publicity Secretary Humphrey Polepole has long championed “desturi”unwritten traditions as vital to CCM’s stability. Ironically, in the same July 18, 2025 public address where he questioned the legitimacy of Samia’s nomination, he affirmed the importance of tradition:

“CCM msingi wake sio katiba tu, ni desturi ndiyo ina define uimara, umadhubuti wa chama chetu na ushindi, desturi na nyingine hazijaandikwa.”

(“CCM’s foundation is not just the constitution; it is customs that define our strength, stability, and victories some of these customs aren’t even written down.”)(Polepole, 2025, 14:00–14:25)

Here lies the paradox: Polepole challenged a process he once exalted, revealing how political convenience can sometimes override ideological consistency.

Unopposed Nominations: A Historical CCM Practice

The National Congress’s decision to back Samia unopposed was not unprecedented it mirrored a longstanding CCM customs “desturi” of sitting presidents:

Ali Hassan Mwinyi (1990) was re-nominated without internal challenge during the final single-party election era (Msekwa, 1995).

Benjamin Mkapa (2000) also went unopposed for his second term (Msekwa, 2000).

Jakaya Kikwete (2010) received full support from the party hierarchy (CCM Reports, 2010).

John Magufuli (2020) was unanimously endorsed, with internal dissent, including from Bernard Membe, being swiftly neutralized while Polepole served as the party’s Chief Ideologue (Al Jazeera, 2020; Wikipedia, 2025).

Global Socialist Doctrines: Living Legitimacy Over Legal Formalism

Globally, democratic socialist thinkers have warned against excessive reliance on written law without political culture:

Karl Marx taught that constitutions reflect not manufacture social legitimacy (Marx, 1852).

Antonio Gramsci emphasized cultural hegemony and traditions as stabilizers of political order (Gramsci, 1971).

Rosa Luxemburg stressed that vibrant political memory and democratic engagement not mechanical rules ensure legitimacy (Luxemburg, 1904).

Julius Nyerere, CCM’s philosophical father, echoed this doctrine in Tanzanian context:

“You can write a beautiful constitution, but if there is no trust and responsibility, democracy will not live in that document.” (Nyerere, as cited in Shivji, 2009)

Conclusion: The Logic of Legitimacy

Samia Suluhu’s nomination was not a legal bypass, it was the culmination of party tradition, rooted in “desturi” and sanctioned by the highest constitutional organ. In opposing it, Polepole not only contradicted himself, but disregarded the very ideological logic he vigorously promotes 

In CCM, customs,”desturi” is not opposed to the constitution. It is what makes the constitution breathe.

References 

Al Jazeera. (2020, February 28). *Tanzania’s ruling party expels ex-minister who wanted to challenge Magufuli*. [https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/2/28/tanzania-ruling-party-expels-challenger](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/2/28/tanzania-ruling-party-expels-challenger)

CCM Constitution. (2021). Katiba ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Toleo la 2021). Dodoma: CCM National Headquarters.

CCM Reports. (2010). Taarifa ya Halmashauri Kuu ya Taifa juu ya uteuzi wa mgombea urais 2010. Dodoma: CCM.

Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks (Q. Hoare & G. Nowell Smith, Eds.). New York: International Publishers.

Luxemburg, R. (1904). Organizational Questions of the Russian Social Democracy. Neue Zeit.

Marx, K. (1852). The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. New York: International.

Msekwa, P. (1995). Reflections on the Multi-Party Politics in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: TEMA Publishers.

Msekwa, P. (2000). The Transition to Multiparty Democracy in Tanzania: The Challenges and Opportunities. Dar es Salaam: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

Polepole, H. (2025, July 18). Public interview statement on CCM nomination processes. \[YouTube video]. Retrieved from [https://youtu.be/uDdmOHMElqk?si=0pJc3njIN9wovo-G](https://youtu.be/uDdmOHMElqk?si=0pJc3njIN9wovo-G)

 Shivji, I. G. (2009). Where is Uhuru? Reflections on the Struggle for Democracy in Africa. Nairobi: Fahamu Books.

Wikipedia. (2025). John Magufuli. Retrieved July 20, 2025, from [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John\_Magufuli](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Magufuli)

Bunge ni cheti au sauti; uwakilishi au ushindani wa vyeti?

Dar es salaam, Tanzania

Kuna haja ya wasomi bungeni?

Katika dunia ya leo ambapo majukumu ya kibunge yanahusisha takwimu, sheria na diplomasia, ni rahisi kujenga hoja kuwa wabunge wanapaswa kuwa na vyeti vya elimu ya juu. Kwani vyeti hivyo ni viashiria vya nidhamu; mahudhurio, utii, kumaliza kazi kwa wakati, kufundishika, taaluma fulani, uwezo wa kutathmini na kwa nchi zenye kuoanisha itikadi na elimu; itikadi na mengineyo.

Kama inanilazimu nitaje kimoja tu, basi ingekua ujuzi wa kufanya tathmini bila ya kujali taaluma, kwani hakuna mtaalam wa kila kitu.

Dhana ya “mbunge bora ni mbunge msomi”

Bila shaka ni sifa njema mbunge kuwa amehitimu chuo kikuu, kuwa mwenye uwezo wa kuelewa uchumi, sheria, na weledi katika hoja za kisera. Ni kweli, elimu huongezea viongozi ufanisi wa kuzitabiri kesho kwa kutumia jana, kusoma bajeti na kuelewa mikataba.

Bunge ni kioo cha umma au chuo?

Katika taifa la kidemokrasia wagombea wanapaswa kujinadi. Kuwaambia wapiga kura kwanini wanatosha zaidi kuwa-wakilisha dhidi ya wengine. 

Kuchuja wagombea kwa kigezo cha usomi pekee kinazua tafakuri: 

-Wapiga kura hawataki wasomi?

Mpiga kura wa kawaida huishi athari za sera kila siku, bei ya unga, huduma za afya, au usalama. Anaweza kutambua kwa hisia na uzoefu halisi nani anamjali na nani ni mbinafsi.

Tukumbushane makubaliano:

🇹🇿 Tanzania – Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, 1977 (Marekebisho ya 2020)

Ibara ya 66(1):
“Bunge litakuwa na Wabunge watakaopatikana kwa kuchaguliwa na wananchi...”
(“Parliament shall consist of Members elected by the people…”)

Niwapatie nukuu ya kauli ya aliekua mbunge wa Tanzania bila kutaja jina ama chanzo,

“Wewe utanionya nini kwa mfano, wewe darasa la saba, mimi hapa, daktari wa falsafa, mwalimu wa vyuo vikuu mbalimbali utanionya nini?”

Pengine lakini pengine

Pengine jawabu la maendeleo kijamii sio bunge la wasomi bali jamii ya wasomi, kwani jamii ya namna hiyo haitakubali kuwakilishwa na wale ambao hawaiakisi jamii yao. 

Pengine kiongozi bora ni yule anayetokana na umma, alietumwa na umma, anaewakilisha umma.

Pengine umma unataka ujue mwakilishi wao ameishi kero zao.

Pengine umma unataka mwakilishi anaetatua changamoto zinazowakabili kwasababu ni za kwake pia, na si kwasababu wamebahatika kuletewa msomi.

Pengine kuwalazimishia wapiga kura wagombea kwa msingi wa usomi ni kutokua na imani kwa utashi wa umma.

Pengine taasisi ya kiuwakilishi itapata ushauri kutoka taasisi ya kitaaluma utakapohitajika, kwani bunge haliwezi tosha mtaalam wa kila fani na jamii ina shida  kutoka kila fani.

Pengine wanataaluma wawakilishwe na jumuiya za kitaaluma.

Pengine lakini, pengine.